oleh admin | Apr 1, 2025 | crime, criminal justice, criminal prosecution, hungary, politics and law
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is ignoring an arrest warrant during his trip to Budapest. The International Criminal Court has few ways to react.
As one of the 125 member states of the International Criminal Court, Hungary has a legal responsibility to detain Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu when he arrives in Budapest and immediately send him to The Hague as per the ICC’s assertion that he is accused of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity during the conflict in Gaza.
Instead, what’s occurring is that Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban is welcoming the Israeli leader with open arms through a grandiose four-day visit filled with opulent displays of unity.
In November 2024, when arrest warrants were issued for Netanyahu and Israel’s ex-defense minister, Yoav Gallant, Orban described the ICC as “audacious, manipulative, and utterly unacceptable.” He vowed that should Netanyahu ever visit Hungary, he would ensure both his liberty and security.
ICC’s limited response
In contrast to national courts, which utilize their domestic law enforcement agencies for enforcing arrest warrants, international courts depend on the judicial systems of their member states to apprehend and hand over suspects; the ICC lacks its own police force.
If a nation does not apprehend an accused individual, the ICC judges may start what is known as a non-compliance procedure. This process could lead to a referral to either the ICC’s Assembly of States Parties (ASP) or the United Nations Security Council.
Despite referral instances, the ASP has limited ability to enforce significant penalties against nations that fail to meet their commitments.
“There are not significant real-world repercussions for failing to comply,” said Mathias Holvoet, who lectures in international criminal law at the University of Amsterdam, speaking to SANGGRALOKA.
He anticipates that the ICC will initiate this process, though his expectations of its potential outcomes remain modest.
The ICC is often depicted as a giant lacking limbs—it genuinely struggles to enforce those arrest warrants. The impetus for action rests with the state’s political determination.
The Israeli leader is additionally encouraged by his support at the White House, with U.S. President Donald Trump being an ally.
issued an executive order
In February, sanctions were imposed on the ICC and its Chief Prosecutor, Karim Khan, specifically in reaction to their involvement with the Netanyahu case.
‘Illiberal ideological allies’
According to certain analysts, the reception offered by Hungary is exactly what Netanyahu aims to use in order to reduce the court’s reliability.
“He aims to visit numerous countries to demonstrate that the ICC is merely a paper tiger and incapable of enforcing the arrest warrant against him,” explains Holvoet from the University of Amsterdam.
Some think this journey also advances Netanyahu’s domestic political objectives.
Daniel Hegedus, an expert on Hungary and regional director for the German Marshall Fund, stated, “He has shown that the arrest isn’t as crucial as several figures within his internal opposition suggest.” He added, “This trip highlights his connections, sway, and capacity for political action.”
Hegebus noted that Orban is providing a platform for his longstanding illiberal ideological partner, which aligns closely with the fresh policy stance coming out of Washington.
Jurisdiction friction
The ICC is a UN-backed court established as the last resort for prosecuting the world’s worst crimes, including genocide. Notably, China, Russia, and the United States are also members.
Israel is not part of the ICC and insists that the court does not have the authority to charge any of its citizens.
In 2015, the Palestinian territories became members of the court, which led ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan to believe he had the authority to seek this action.
Netanyahu warrant
in May 2024.
The evidence presented by the ICC against Netanyahu relates to his supposed role in employing hunger as a tactic of combat, committing murders, engaging in persecution, and carrying out other cruel actions during the conflict in Gaza.
A number of country heads have asserted diplomatic immunity during their travels even though they had outstanding arrest warrants from global tribunals.
In January,
Poland
stated that it would allow Netanyahu to tour Holocaust memorials even with the ICC warrant in place, and in March, Germany’s chancellor candidate
Friedrich Merz
extend an invitation to their Israeli peer to tour Berlin.
Legal scholars still argue about whether head-of-state immunity holds more weight than charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Netanyahu’s visit carries some potential dangers.
Specialists think Netanyahu is still risking his liberty by traveling to a nation that is part of the ICC.
As Holvoet pointed out, ‘One can’t predict how a particular judge in a specific city might act.’
NGOs often submit petitions to Hungarian courts with the aim of pressuring for his arrest. As Holvoet pointed out, “While the danger might not be substantial, it does persist.”
Israeli authorities have acknowledged that during Netanyahu’s travel to the United States in February, his aircraft had to follow a more extended path over American military installations to avoid landing in a nation that honors ICC arrest warrants.
Daniel Hegedus, however, thinks that the likelihood of Netanyahu being detained in Hungary is virtually nonexistent.
Hungary is not considered a fully democratic nation, and it’s clear that the rule of law has been significantly influenced,” he stated. “I strongly question whether any law enforcement agencies in Hungary would adhere to judicial decisions rather than following directives from the government.”
Edited by: Rob Mudge
Author: Jack Parrock (located in Brussels)
oleh admin | Mar 31, 2025 | crime, crimes, criminal justice, criminal law, criminal prosecution
A Nigerian man believed to be a runaway, Ehis Akhimie, was handed over from the UK to the US to confront accusations associated with organized criminal activities. This includes participating in an international scam specifically aimed at defrauding senior citizens within the country.
The U.S. Department of Justice verified his extradition in an emailed statement to our correspondent on Friday.
The document indicated that the suspect’s extradition was achieved through comprehensive collaboration and coordination between the Department of Justice and various law enforcement entities spanning several nations.
The report indicates that the collaborative initiative included participation from law enforcement organizations based in Colombia, the Dominican Republic, France, Guatemala, Honduras, Israel, the Kyrgyz Republic, Mexico, Spain, and the UK.
Due to this partnership, the Nigerian scammer was handed over by authorities in the UK along with multiple other individuals facing charges such as homicide, pediatric sexual abuse, running the MS-13 gang, human trafficking, narcotics distribution linked to Colombia, digital crimes tied to Russia, and visa application fraud.
“The relentless efforts of the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs alongside their international counterparts led to the successful extradition of fugitives accused of serious offenses in the U.S.,” stated Matthew R. Galeotti, who heads the Justice Department’s Criminal Division.
“The Justice Department will actively target and prosecute transnational criminals within the United States, ensuring they face accountability for the deaths and acts of violence they have perpetrated both domestically and overseas,” stated Galeotti.
The suspected 41-year-old Nigerian fraudster was extradited from the UK to the Southern District of Florida, where he faced charges for allegedly participating in a transnational criminal organisation that ran an inheritance fraud scheme targeting elderly consumers in the U.S.
Part of the report stated, “The Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs offered considerable support in facilitating the arrest and extradition of the defendants, working alongside the U.S. Marshals Service.”
The Justice Department expresses gratitude and recognizes the crucial contribution of its law enforcement collaborators in Colombia, the Dominican Republic, France, Guatemala, Honduras, Israel, the Kyrgyz Republic, Mexico, Spain, and the United Kingdom in facilitating these extraditions.
According to PUNCH Metro, Nigerian siblings Samuel and Samson Ogoshi, who orchestrated a sextortion scheme against a 17-year-old, received prison terms of 17 years and six months each in the United States back in September.
The brothers from Lagos who were found guilty reportedly tricked Jordan DeMay into sending explicit photos by posing as a female of his age, before extorting him.
The alleged victim apparently took his own life within six hours of beginning communication with them on Instagram.
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oleh admin | Mar 30, 2025 | criminal prosecution, news, politics, politics and government, politics and law
On Monday, France’s Marine Le Pen confronts a crucial juncture when a judge decides if she will be barred from participating in the upcoming presidential election.
The far-right frontrunner in the 2027 election will appear in court at 10:00 for the announcement of the verdict.
trial focusing on funding for her National Rally (RN) party
.
In November, when the trial ended, the state prosecutor called for convictions against Le Pen and 24 co-defendants who were alleged to have used European Union funds meant for parliament to compensate their party staff.
But to general surprise the prosecutor also said that Le Pen’s punishment should be not just a €300,000 (£250,000) fine and prison term, but also
disqualification from seeking public office for half a decade
.
Importantly, he stated that the disqualification should take effect immediately rather than being put on hold during the appeals process, which Marine Le Pen is likely to pursue if found guilty.
‘My political death’
The three judges do not have to adhere to the prosecutor’s suggestions.
However, if this happens, it would result in Le Pen, aged 56, being excluded.
running in a presidential election
where she is considered a likely victor.
“They are aiming for my political demise,” she stated in November.
Numerous French analysts—including those who do not back Le Pen—have cautioned about severe implications for democracy should the judicial system be perceived as overstepping into the realm of selecting the nation’s head of state.
“The judicial system holds the future of Marine Le Pen… Convicting her for any misconduct is completely reasonable. However, preventing her from participating in the presidential election is an altogether different issue,” penned seasoned commentator Franz-Olivier Giesbert in the centrist publication Le Point.
Bruno Jeudi, the editor of La Tribune Dimanche newspaper, questioned on Sunday whether entrusting judges with the decision of assessing candidates’ eligibility for office isn’t risky – if not outright dangerous.
Marine Le Pen stated to the same publication: “I personally remain calm. However, I understand why others believe I could feel anxious. The judiciary holds significant sway over our political endeavors. Nonetheless, I doubt they would take such drastic actions against us.”
Several possibilities for the outcome are being examined.
Here are four possible outcomes:
Initially, Le Pen might be exonerated regarding the European Parliament financial scandal. However, this outcome is generally considered improbable.
Secondly, the judges might find her guilty but not automatically disqualify her. If this happens, she would promptly file an appeal, and the disqualification wouldn’t take effect until after a subsequent trial (and potentially a third one reaching the highest appellate court).
This could allow her to compete in 2027, despite being burdened with a conviction for misusing public funds. Nevertheless, it remains uncertain whether this conviction would significantly harm her prospects, considering the string of financing controversies involving all major French political groups throughout recent history.
Thirdly, the judges might adhere to the prosecutor’s recommendation and impose an immediate disqualification. If they did so, she would likely challenge this decision through an appeal process, during which time the remaining components of her sentencing—such as paying a fine or serving jail time—would be put on hold. Consequently, she would not be eligible to stand for election in 2027.
Fourthly, the court might impose a reduced period of mandatory disqualification, such as one year, which would technically allow her to stand for election again.
In 2027, it would be Marine Le Pen’s fourth attempt at becoming president, and this time around presents her best opportunity for success.

A survey published in the conservative daily JDD on Sunday indicated that she might secure between 34-37% of the votes in the initial round, significantly outpacing all potential competitors.
In the past two presidential elections, she was disadvantaged by the two-round system, enabling adversaries from the left, center, and right to oppose her.
unite behind a single candidate – Emmanuel Macron – to prevent her from taking control
.
However, decades of “purification” since she surpassed her father Jean-Marie Le Pen as the leader of the party have rendered the opposition to the National Rally (RN) much more fragmented compared to before. Meanwhile, successes achieved by extreme-right parties elsewhere have contributed to diminishing the stigma associated with a potential RN administration.
Should Le Pen be prevented from entering the race
Her logical successor could be Jordan Bardella, the 29-year-old party leader who was being prepared to potentially become his country’s prime minister after her.
Yet, according to party insiders, very few measures have been taken internally to prepare for what would undoubtedly be perceived as a massive and disruptive political upheaval.
If Le Pen were deemed ineligible to run in 2027, this might further undermine the already fragile minority government led by Prime Minister François Bayrou. Given that the RN holds 120 seats in the National Assembly, they have the ability to align themselves with the leftist bloc for voting purposes.
cast a vote of no confidence to topple the administration
.
So far, Marine Le Pen has restrained her supporters. If she believes she has been the target of an institutional conspiracy, she might be less hesitant to act differently.
More on this story
-
Moment of big opportunity and high risk for Marine Le Pen
-
Jean-Marie Le Pen – founder of the French extreme-right movement and dubbed the ‘Devil of the Republic’
-
Macron set to speak following Barnier administration’s downfall
oleh admin | Mar 24, 2025 | business, crime, crimes, criminal prosecution, news
Utilizing maps, drilling records, and detailed technical accounts, Alexandre Schneiter, who previously served as the CEO of Lundin Oil, attempted to absolve himself of liability related to alleged war crimes near Block 5A—an area designated for oil extraction within what is currently South Sudan. However, the prosecutor’s inquiries extended beyond these matters; they delved into what knowledge the firm possessed—and actions taken—during the height of the civil conflict raging over those very oilfields.
How can three lines drawn on a map possibly be assisting in facilitating war crimes?
In the district court in Stockholm, during recess in Courtroom 34 on the second floor, one of Alexandre Schneiter’s attorneys expresses irritation as they wind their way down the staircase towards a cafe for a break.
As autumn shifted into winter, and winter transitioned into what Swedes call the “fifth season”—spring-winter—Swiss national Schneiter was questioned from early February until midway through March 2025.
The first half of the significant 300-day trial involving two executives from the Swedish company Lundin Oil has concluded. They face charges related to their alleged involvement in facilitating war crimes in South Sudan during the period from 1997 to 2003. Following an uncomfortable cross-examination of his fellow defendant, Ian Lundin, Schneiter and his defense team were unequivocal: although Schneiter held responsibility for identifying oil reserves within the ancient sedimentary layers below Sudan’s terrain, he claimed no part in matters concerning safety or day-to-day operations.
There is no liability for anything above the surface.
Several weeks prior to the conversation regarding the three lines delineated on a map, the ex-CEO requested an opportunity to address some initial remarks during his testimony. “In recent hearings, we’ve extensively discussed seismic matters, and geophysics can be described as the examination of our planet along with the collection of information through physical phenomena such as magnetism, gravity, and seismic events,” he stated.
In 1992, Schneiter became part of the Lundin Group as a geologist. He has steadily advanced thanks to his knack for locating oil reserves where previous attempts had failed. To date, the sole discovery within Block 5A was made by him. During proceedings at the Stockholm District Court, an image of the core sample taken from Thar Yath, which dates back to 1999, appears on screen. In layman’s terms, Schneiter points out that the dark patches visible in the soil indicate the presence of oil.
What we’re observing here is quite fascinating despite being irrelevant: this rock dates back approximately 100 million years,” Schneiter went on to say, highlighting that his primary concern has always been what lies underneath the Earth’s crust, with everything else beyond it falling outside of his purview. He also mentioned that no extraction activities were carried out. In contrast, the neighboring areas in Blocks 1, 2, and 4 exported petroleum; however, Block 5A did not produce even a small amount of oil.
It is only after numerous hours of presentations that Schneiter addresses one of the allegations: “I believe it is totally inaccurate to state that attending a few gatherings had any influence on the conflict within the nation.”
Constructing a pathway through an undeveloped region
According to prosecutors, it’s the opposite. The three lines on the map represent planned seismic lines — kilometer-long cables with small explosive devices attached and used to listen to what’s hidden underground. The map was presented by Schneiter at a meeting with representatives of Sudan in October 2001 and crossed an area not controlled by the Sudanese regime at the time.
The prosecutors call this region the MOK or the Nhialdiu zone. They state that the Sudanese military then requested the construction of a route to Nhialdiu with the aim of safeguarding scheduled seismic investigations within the MOK operational zones; the firm allegedly agreed to these terms per the allegations. Based on witness accounts and internal company safety documents, the location was later marred by intense combat activities.
According to the prosecution, a proposal to construct a roadway through territory outside the control of both the Sudanese military and affiliated paramilitary groups was intended as a warning that this action could precipitate military operations. These operations would involve the armed forces carrying out untargeted assaults on civilian populations.
However, when the prosecutor presents the seismic maps from the “Exploration Development Strategy 2002” document during the proceedings, Schneiter becomes visibly relieved and states that he is glad to finally clarify what these maps represent. He feels certain that both his defense team and the prosecution have failed to grasp their significance.
What the picture depicts is the bedrock in Block 5A. Picture this like a bathtub; the sides represent the shallower areas, whereas the center represents the deeper section. Now imagine filling that tub with sand, and you’ll have the Muglad Basin,” Schneiter exclaims cheerfully.
He contends that this region of the Earth remains unchanged. Both the distance to the bedrock and the contour of the basin are unvarying geological constants. He further notes, “From a business perspective, as a company, you should avoid exploring the deeper areas; instead, concentrate your efforts on the more superficial layers.”
Regarding the prosecutor’s perspective, the photograph was presented as evidence of Lundin having an interest in the MOK region. However, Schneiter contends that it simply highlights a “tendency” suggesting the area is quite deep, implying that MOK would be the most unsuitable location for exploration.
They couldn’t be less concerned whether it’s Iran, Sudan, or the North Sea.
To be perfectly clear: when a geophysicist examines this data, they aren’t concerned whether it’s about Iran, Sudan, or the North Sea,” Schneiter goes on to explain. He clarifies that within a reservoir, there are layers of varying depths; however, as you go deeper, the quality diminishes until the oil ultimately transforms into natural gas. Once again, his tone takes on an educational edge, suggesting that the prosecutors have misconstrued aspects of both oil exploration and the operational processes of an oil company.
The contrast in Schneiter’s responses versus those of Lundin, the ex-president of Lundin Oil—who was questioned last month—is quite evident. While Lundin frequently failed to remember specific details, Schneiter strives for accuracy, recalls precise information, and firmly rejects both the prosecution’s account and supporting documentation.
For him, it goes beyond merely dismissing allegations; it’s also about narrating how the corporation constructed pathways to secure approval within local communities and operated health centers to garner backing. The objective was never solely focused on extracting oil, but rather on elevating the nation out of economic hardship through assistance provided by different entities of the global community.
Attempting to ground Schneiter to the Earth’s surface
Frequently, this results in an ongoing conflict between the prosecution and Schneiter regarding his role in the operations and matters managed within Block 5A or at the Khartoum office. Whenever the prosecutors emphasize that Schneiter had a meeting with General Paulino Matip of the South Sudan Independence Movement—who led a militia fighting against Peter Gadet’s Sudan People’s Liberation Army alongside the government—to gain approval for flying helicopters in Block 5A, Schneiter offers a contrasting account.
“It happened by chance. When I arrived in Khartoum and checked into the hotel, I spotted Matip in the lobby,” explains Schneiter. He doesn’t recall whether their approval to fly came with conditions about avoiding “the southern area” of the restricted zone. “I do not remember requesting any permits from him,” insists Schneiter.
The prosecutors kept attempting to connect Schneiter with the operations by pointing out that during the attack on the rig in Thar Yath where security guards lost their lives in May 1999, records show he was the individual whom the personnel contacted. However, Schneiter states he doesn’t recall this happening. He justifies himself by saying his name appeared on a “general emergency contact list.”
Following five days of interrogation, the prosecution addressed a gathering involving delegates from Sudan and the firm in October 2000. It is alleged that this encounter marked Schneiter’s initial involvement in criminal activity. The meeting records included visuals depicting “major events” impacting the corporation. During his presentation, prosecutor Henrik Attorps displayed data indicating that evidence of these occurrences was discovered when authorities searched the accused’s residence in Switzerland.
Schneiter stated that he did not see the list documenting numerous events, yet remembered that rebel chief Gadet was launching attacks and the military was responding defensively. The firm had ceased all activities and was only monitoring developments at the time. Nevertheless, the prosecutor contended that the existence of this list indicated Schneiter’s awareness of various clashes and combat situations.
“As far as I understood back then, it was primarily about tribal disputes, and Gadet was causing more problems. However, I didn’t have any means of influencing the situation,” Schneiter replied.
“- Further west, it indicates that significant troops are deployed to address the threat posed by Gadet and to guarantee the safety of Block 5A. Was this rationale—that military assets were assigned for your protection—something you were made aware of at that point?” the prosecutor went on.
Schneiter responded that security was not within his purview and that he believed the army supplied a “neutral guard force.”
But upon hearing about this neutral guard force, how does it correlate with the presence of 1,600 soldiers positioned within the block and substantial forces located farther west?
– While I was out in the field, I witnessed firsthand that there was a neutral security detail consisting of amiable guards. Therefore, this document should be considered as an estimate rather than a factual statement,” Schneiter responded.
At the beginning of the trial, the prosecutor introduced a depiction of a crimson staircase. Each step represented an act and thus a greater degree of involvement, aiming to demonstrate how different actions—or “complicit acts”—collectively facilitated the offenses carried out in Block 5A throughout what was referred to as the crime period. Schneiter’s defense contested the prosecution’s approach, arguing that Schneiter allegedly urged for military responses by providing information to the Sudanese regarding scheduled operations.
Following Schneiter’s questioning, the court plans to hear approximately 50 witnesses for the remainder of 2025 and continuing through 2026. Due to the extended duration of the examinations involving the two accused individuals beyond what was initially anticipated, the projected conclusion date for this prolonged legal proceeding in Sweden has been rescheduled to May 2026.
Martin Schibbye is a Swedish freelance journalist and the creator of the news site Blankspot.se.
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