‘Complicit in the genocide’: Pro-Palestine activists protest outside US consulate, police called in

‘Complicit in the genocide’: Pro-Palestine activists protest outside US consulate, police called in

On Sunday, anti-war demonstrators assembled at the US consulate in Admiralty to urge Washington to cease obstructing the pro-Palestinian movement during Israel’s U.S.-backed conflict in Gaza.

The organization — HK Anti-war Mobilization — informed HKFP on Sunday that the consulate contacted the police, who then proceeded to search and identify the five activists, cautioning them against potential violations of the national security law.

“Last week, Israel dismantled the ceasefire agreement by initially halting hostage exchanges, followed by cutting off water and power supplies to Gaza. They resumed bombing raids overnight on Tuesday (the 18th), resulting in the brutal deaths of 404 individuals,” stated the organization.

We gather here today to voice our solidarity with the liberation of Palestine and to show support for anti-war advocates around the globe who are facing violence, suppression, and censorship.


See also:
‘It’s mostly women and children’: Hong Kong surgeon speaks of treating wounded Palestinians in Gaza

Gaza’s Health Ministry
said
last week that over 50,000 people had been killed in the Palestinian territory since the latest conflict began in early October 2023. However, The Lancet medical journal has
said
The real number of deaths could be as much as 41 percent greater. A UN report states that most of the confirmed victims were females and kids.

The latest conflict
started
On October 7, 2023, Hamas militants initiated an unexpected assault on Israel, resulting in at least 1,139 fatalities and approximately 250 individuals being taken hostage to Gaza. As a response, Israel declared its intention to dismantle Hamas completely and subsequently conducted extensive bombing raids across the Gaza Strip lasting over one year.

On last Tuesday, the ceasefire that had been effective since January 19 came to an end when Israel launched a new attack on Gaza. The country has called for the liberation of numerous hostages who remain within the conflict-ravaged area.

Outside the U.S. Consulate on Sunday, the protesters carried signs reading: “The West is complicit in Israel’s genocide” and “Scare fascists.”

The declaration continued: “Led by the United States, Western governments have turned a deaf ear to their own people’s concerns and have aided in the genocide of Palestinians, thereby supporting Israel’s racist and colonial objectives.”

Police search

The organization stated they weren’t shocked that law enforcement was summoned on Sunday. They added, “The U.S. administration is curtailing the pro-Palestinian activism as the U.S. backs Israel in carrying out the extermination of Palestinians.”

They said that the police “reminded us not to violate the national security law, not to contain any sedition content in our slogans, and not to cover our face under [the] face-covering regulation,” as they searched and took down the identity card details of the activists.

In response, the US consulate told HKFP on Monday that the five were blocking their driveway and it had to ensure the safety of its staff and facilities.

The demonstrators were positioned at the entrance to the consulate’s vehicle gate, presenting a potential hazard to both their own safety and that of the consulate personnel,” the statement read. “We completely endorse the right of individuals to demonstrate in a peaceful and secure manner. It is not uncommon for protests to take place close to the consulate.

A year ago, US Consul General Gregory May
said
He posted on Facebook that he backed the rights of demonstrators outside the embassy.

“We uphold basic liberties and human rights. Although I politely differ from these guests’ opinions, I completely endorse their right to demonstrate peaceably,” he stated.

On Monday, the police responded via email stating that they had “received a report around 2 pm on March 23 regarding five individuals holding a public gathering outside 26 Garden Road, Central.” When the police arrived, those present were advised to make sure their public event was carried out according to legal requirements.

Mahmoud Khalil detention

The five protesters were additionally urging for the release of student activist Mahmoud Khalil from U.S. custody.

Khalil, who is a long-term resident of the U.S. and serves as the chief mediator for Columbia University’s student protest advocating for Palestine, was arrested by U.S. immigration authorities on March 8 following directives from the State Department to cancel his visa.

“The arbitrary imprisonment of Khalil demonstrated that the U.S. does not concern itself with justice and liberty whatsoever,” stated HK Anti-war Mobilization.

“The U.S. government is intensifying efforts against the pro-Palestinian movement across all areas, as they worry that people might reveal the reality of the genocide,” the organization added.

“Ironically, the legislation used to arrest Khalil was the same one used by the US government in the 1950s to block Holocaust survivors in Eastern Europe from entering the US,” the protest group said.


See also:
Hongkongers show solidarity with Palestine amid Israel-Hamas war, but keep efforts low-key

U.S. President Donald Trump has warned of penalties for students whom he alleges back Hamas or propagate anti-Jewish sentiment. However, detractors argue that Khalil’s detainment represents an unjust assault on freedom of expression.

Last year, the International Court of Justice — which serves as the main judicial organ of the United Nations — determined that Israel’s actions in Gaza might constitute genocide. However, Israel has refuted these allegations.

Last November, the UN-supported International Criminal Court announced arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former Defense Chief Yoav Gallant, along with a previous Hamas military leader, on charges related to alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity.


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Nigeria’s Fifth Amendment: A Fresh Look (International Edition)

1999-Constitution


O


On Friday, March 17, 2023, President Muhammadu Buhari approved and enacted 16 of the 35 Constitution Amendment Bills that had been ratified by both the national legislature and more than two-thirds of the state assemblies, adhering to Section 9(2) of the 1999 Constitution.


According to Section 9 (2) of Nigeria’s Constitution, “A law enacted by the National Assembly to amend this Constitution—excluding those covered under Section 8 of this same Constitution—cannot be adopted in either chamber unless at least two-thirds of all the members in that particular chamber support it. Additionally, such a proposed amendment must also receive approval through resolutions from over two-thirds of all state assemblies.”


Among the significant bills approved by the former president under the Fifth Amendment Acts were provisions granting financial autonomy to state legislatures and judiciary bodies; transferring control over railways from the exclusive legislative list to the concurrent one; empowering states to produce, transmit, and distribute electricity within regions serviced by the national grid; mandating that the President and governors must present nominees for ministerial or commissioner positions to the Senate or state legislature for approval within 60 days after assuming their posts; and directing government policies toward upholding the right to food and food security in Nigeria.


The enactment of these groundbreaking laws occurred during a crucial juncture in Nigerian history. In recent times, demands for power decentralization—nay, genuine federalism—had reached such high levels that they were impossible to overlook. It’s somewhat perplexing how the president’s approval of these pivotal pieces of legislation largely escaped notice among most Nigerians, potentially marking yet another misstep by the previous government. This occurrence coincided with persistent long lines at gas stations and ATMs across commercial banks due to fuel shortages and severe cash deficits. Adding insult to injury, this presidential endorsement happened just before gubernatorial and state house assembly elections, when the country was engrossed in what felt like another critical political showdown.


Similar to other nationalist organizations in Nigeria, this newspaper seems to have voiced its concerns repeatedly about the necessity for power decentralization and a return to the comprehensive federal system of the First Republic. In several editorials, we previously stated in part:


The British government did not believe that a nation encompassing extensive territories and comprising various ethnic groups with distinct histories, tongues, and customs could sustain governance through a central authority indefinitely. Hence, when the colonial Nigerian governor, Sir Arthur Richards, introduced the concept of federalism prior to announcing the Richards Constitution in 1946, he expressed this notion rather indirectly: ‘It would be necessary to establish a political framework … where these varied components can advance at different paces harmoniously and seamlessly toward greater integration economically, socially, and politically without compromising the core values and aspirations embedded in their differing lifestyles.’


The federal structure passed down to Nigeria through the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954 and the Independence Constitution of 1960 represented a balance struck between the divisive and unifying forces present across various Nigerian regions. In 1954, esteemed leaders such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, and Ahmadu Bello opted for a comprehensive federated system as the foundation of their national identity.


Certainly, the move initiated by General Aguiyi Ironsi’s military government through Decree 34 of 1966—commonly referred to as the ‘Unification Edict’—to discard the heritage of federalism sparked violent uprisings in the Northern region. This series of incidents eventually resulted in a protracted and expensive three-year-long civil conflict.


Successive military regimes gradually dismantled the federal system. The current unitary framework masquerading as federalism, wherein everything ultimately leads back to Abuja, cannot endure. This paradoxical situation—where an increase in revenue from crude oil sales correlates with greater poverty among the populace—is largely due to our abandonment of the federalist principles established by Nigeria’s founders. These foundational tenets were based on fiscal federalism, ensuring that every region or state benefited directly from resources they generated. In fact, substantial progress occurred across these regions during those times when genuine federalism prevailed.

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African Giants: Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya & Zimbabwe Lead the Urban Revolution

African Giants: Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya & Zimbabwe Lead the Urban Revolution







On March 24, 2025, ENA reported from Addis Ababa that this year, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) plans to gather key players in Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. The aim is to enhance urban living standards via UN-Habitat’s Quality of Life Initiative.









With rapid growth of African cities, guaranteeing that this urban expansion improves living conditions continues to be a critical issue, as stated in ECA’s communication to ENA.







The Quality of Life Initiative provides local governments with the necessary data and knowledge to guarantee that growth in cities enhances the well-being of all inhabitants.







At the heart of the Initiative lies the Quality of Life Index, providing local administrations with an overview of urban living conditions across nine key areas such as accessibility to essential services, housing quality, and economic prospects.







The Index merges worldwide metrics from the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) with specific goals set by city stakeholders, allowing every municipality to create a customized index that mirrors its distinct circumstances, beliefs, and preferences.







This method, grounded in evidence, allows local authorities to make focused decisions and assess their exact impact, as ECA explained further.







In response to requests from participating nations, ECA plans to gather various stakeholders such as policymakers, urban planners, representatives from national statistics offices, and community leaders over the next few months. The aim is to explore key aspects of a high-quality standard of living and pinpoint areas needing enhancement.







Atkeyelsh Persson, Head of ECA’s Urbanization and Development Section, stated that Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe are leading the way in Africa’s urban transformation,







The Quality of Life Initiative, spearheaded by UN-Habitat and supported by the Quality of Life Program, is an international endeavor aimed at revolutionizing city approaches to enhancing urban well-being. This initiative utilizes human-centric data to better grasp what individuals genuinely prioritize, thereby improving their quality of life.







It has been mentioned that The Initiative encourages cities to conduct an evaluation of their inhabitants’ standard of living with the aim of pinpointing crucial sectors for observation and enhancement.



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Govt Actions Aim to Close Gender Gap in Digital Access

The Nigerian federal government has reiterated its dedication to closing the gender gap in technology access during the unveiling of the National Gender Digital Inclusion Strategy at the UN’s 69th session of the Commission on the Status of Women.

Led by the National Information Technology Development Agency together with the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs, this initiative seeks to broaden digital accessibility, improve cybersecurity measures, and generate economic prospects for women and children.

At the event held in New York, Iklima Salihu, who serves as the Special Assistant to the Director-General for Strategic Partnerships at NITDA, highlighted the organization’s commitment to promoting fair digital accessibility.

“The NGDIS aims to eliminate obstacles to digital inclusion by enhancing access to digital skill development, infrastructure, and mentoring opportunities for women and girls,” stated Salihu in a press release on Sunday.

The Director-General of NITDA, represented by his special advisor Kashifu Abdullahi, referred to the strategy as a “game-changer” for attaining gender equality within Nigeria’s digital sector.

He observed that the framework emphasizes digital literacy, entrepreneurship, online safety, and gender-responsive policies to boost women’s involvement in the nation’s expanding digital sector.

Aligned with Nigeria’s Renewed Hope Agenda and the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals 5 and 8, the NGDIS seeks to bridge the gender divide by providing women and girls with essential digital competencies needed for success in our rapidly advancing technological landscape.

The Minister for Women Affairs, Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim, highlighted the critical need to tackle gender imbalances in digital accessibility, pointing out startling figures.

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‘Two-Faced Diplomacy’: China Pledges Peace Before Chasing Down Japan’s Fishing Boat

‘Two-Faced Diplomacy’: China Pledges Peace Before Chasing Down Japan’s Fishing Boat

The event sparked online outrage in Japan, leading to calls for more stringent measures against China’s ‘authoritarian breaches of international law’.

Beijing has been accused of “two-faced diplomacy” after pledging greater dialogue and cooperation during high-level talks in Tokyo on Saturday, only for three Chinese coastguard vessels to enter waters around Japanese-controlled islands the next day, pursuing a Japanese fishing boat.

Japan
Japan’s Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya expressed optimism after the trilateral meeting with his Chinese and South Korean counterparts on Saturday. He characterized the talks as “an open exchange of opinions” and stated that the three countries agreed to “foster forward-looking collaboration.”

Chinese Foreign Minister
Wang Yi
seemed to concur, stating in a release that improved dialogue and teamwork could assist the trio of countries in “collectively combating threats” and boosting their reciprocal comprehension.

Contemplating the worldwide issues that had drawn Japan, China, and
South Korea
To “a pivotal moment in history,” Iwaya stressed the importance of bridging divides on Saturday. He stated, “Now more than ever, it is crucial to strive to transcend division and conflict via dialogue and collaboration.”

But the goodwill generated by these statements quickly began to evaporate when, less than 24 hours later, Chinese coastguard vessels entered waters near the
Diaoyu Islands
. The islands, administered by Japan as the Senkakus but claimed by China, have long been a flashpoint in the region.

Experts noted that the coast guard’s behavior contradicted the cooperative ethos promoted during negotiations and reflected China’s diplomatic style—presenting itself as collaborative externally while reinforcing territorial assertions in disputed regions.

Many individuals express pessimism following China’s statements and ensuing activities; however, few are truly taken aback,” noted Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi, an associate professor at Tokyo International University’s Institute for International Strategy, in conversation with This Week in Asia. “Those who find themselves shocked by these developments lack perceptiveness.

Hinata-Yamaguchi described Beijing’s strategy as “showing a pleasant facade” publicly while aggressively reinforcing its territorial assertions. He explained, “Although they claim benign intent in diplomatic circles, their deeds convey a different message.”

‘Sink ships, arrest trespassers’

The events over the weekend sparked significant anger online in Japan, where people were not just upset about China’s behavior but also criticized their own government for what they saw as inadequate response. In comments on Okinawa’s Yaeyama Daily News website, one user condemned Beijing’s approach, calling it “duplicitous diplomacy.”

The commenter proceeded to assert that the Japanese government was being “duped” and cautioned that Japan might relinquish control over the contested islands if it persisted in trusting China.

“One cannot condone China’s oppressive breaches of international law,” stated an online remark. Other comments urged Tokyo to take more stringent actions, with some users advocating for legal amendments allowing Japan to “submerge vessels, detain intruders, and prosecute them in courts.”

“The Japanese government just gives warnings without taking action, allowing China to act as they please,” the commentator noted.

Toshimitsu Shigemura, a professor of political science and international relations at Waseda University, noted that there was significant distrust toward Beijing within the Japanese government. He explained, “Their statements often contradict their actions.” This sentiment was further illustrated when, on the very day that the foreign minister expressed his desire for collaboration to maintain regional stability, the Chinese coast guard entered Japanese territorial waters and intimidated a fishing vessel.

We can’t rely on China to keep its diplomatic commitments.
Toshimitsu Shigemura, a Japanese professor specializing in politics

“We can’t rely on China to keep its diplomatic commitments,” Shigemura stated, suggesting that this indicates possible tensions within the Chinese administration.

He suggested that the defense ministry might have feared the foreign minister could travel to Tokyo and reach an agreement with Japan that would undermine China’s territorial assertions over those islands. However, by dispatching coast guard vessels into Japanese maritime areas concurrently with discussions between the two counterparts, they are essentially conveying the stance held by the defense ministry.

In recent years, Chinese coast guard ships have been increasingly venturing into Japanese territorial waters more often, a trend that has become particularly noticeable over the last ten years.
A remarkable 353 days of operation were logged.
In the contiguous zones surrounding the islands earlier this year. Experts think these moves are intended to challenge Japan’s authority over the contested area.

Shigemura cautioned that Beijing might intensify the pressure even more, which would leave Japan few choices if a Japanese fishing vessel were to be forcefully halted or seized by China’s maritime police.

In a dire scenario like that, Tokyo has limited options,” he stated. “Force isn’t an option for them, so their main leverage would be threatening to withhold support. Under these circumstances, I anticipate Tokyo might propose resolving the issue via talks and discussions; however, China could interpret this stance as a sign of weakness.

“I anticipate that China will continue exerting pressure around the islands since their ultimate aim is to attempt gaining control over the entire archipelago,” Shigemura noted.

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The Urgent Need for Emergency Rule in Rivers

As the leadership turmoil in Rivers State intensified with attacks on crucial oil and gas facilities, coupled with impending impeachment proceedings targeting Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu, President Bola Tinubu took decisive action last Tuesday by declaring a state of emergency in this petroleum-rich region. In doing so, he removed both officials from office along with the obstinate state legislature for an initial term of half a year. Concurrently, he designated former Chief of Naval Staff, Rear Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (retired), as the new administrator overseeing the state’s operations.
Upon assuming his duties on Wednesday, Ibas embarked on addressing these pressing issues head-on. Called back into service specifically to stabilize the situation in Rivers and bring stability over the next six months, his mission presents significant challenges. As someone who must draw upon years of military experience, Ibas faces the daunting task of restoring peace and functionality efficiently.
The announcement of martial law in Rivers generated considerable discussion among critics, particularly those aligned against the administration like members of the People’s Democratic Party and various disaffected political figures organized under the banner led by ex-Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Despite accusations leveled against them regarding personal interests influencing their stance, they argue vehemently against what they perceive as unlawful acts—namely, the removal of elected leaders without legitimate justification. However, supporters believe swift intervention was necessary to safeguard public welfare and protect essential resources.

According to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, which outlines the procedures for declaring a state of emergency, the role of the governor under such circumstances remains unspecified. Historically, however, practices regarding governors’ positions during emergencies have been inconsistent within our region.
For instance, in May 2004, Former President Olusegun Obasanjo declared an emergency in Plateau State due to escalating ethno-religious conflicts resulting in significant loss of life and property damage. As part of this intervention, Governor Joshua Dariye along with the entire state legislative body were relieved from their duties for half a year; subsequently, Major-General Chris Alli (retired) took over governance responsibilities aimed at restoring stability in the area.
Similarly, another similar situation occurred just two years afterward in Ekiti State where prolonged political instability prompted President Obasanjo to impose an emergency measure. This resulted in suspending both Governor Ayo Fayose and his deputy, Mrs. Biodun Olujinmi, alongside the local parliament including Honorable Friday Aderemi—the interim Acting Governor—appointing retired Brigadier General Tunji Olurin instead to oversee administrative functions and ensure safety across the territory for six additional months.

Regarding ex-President Goodluck Jonathan’s actions, he imposed an emergency rule in specific local governments severely hit by Boko Haram terrorist activities within Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe States back in 2013. This move did not dismantle the overall political and democratic systems in these regions. Additionally, President Jonathan kept the current chairman roles intact for those influenced local government districts. It seems his decision to avoid disrupting the governance of the three involved states—headed by their respective governors—and their legislative bodies may be attributed to how this emergency measure only targeted select council areas heavily affected.
As far as the Plateau State declaration goes, when it came before the Supreme Court, they could not establish whether dissolving established democratic frameworks under such circumstances was constitutional due to procedural issues with the lawsuit filed against it by the temporarily ousted lawmakers from Plateau. The court deemed the filing invalid since it had been initiated solely by the legislators themselves without formal backing from the state itself.

Several legal scholars have cited the Emergency Powers Act of 1961, an outdated legislation within the nation that once allowed for the dismantling of democratic institutions and the temporary removal of basic human rights during emergencies. This act came into play specifically following the declaration of emergency rule in the Western Region in 1962 under the administration led by Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Two notable instances include the rulings in Adegbenro v. Attorney-General of the Federation (1962) NLR 338 and F.R.A. Williams v Dr. M.A. Majekodunmi (1962) NLR 328, wherein the highest judicial body endorsed this act as grounds for dissolving governmental bodies. Legal luminary Professor Koyinsola Ajayi (SAN), speaking on Arise TV recently, highlighted that according to his interpretation, “The judges at the Supreme Court felt compelled not to overturn decisions made by the president when faced with immediate threats to life and property; their aim being to reinstate lawfulness and protect citizens.” Their stance regarding the validation of the state of emergency proclaimed in Plateau State remains unchallenged based on these arguments.

Apart from the legal formalities, the key factors in assessing how democratic institutions function within a state under emergency rule seem to revolve around the prevailing circumstances or conditions within that state, along with the extent of threats posed to public order and citizen safety regarding their lives and properties. In times of chaos and unrest, people tend not to recall specific provisions laid out by laws. This point was clearly articulated by Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), who addressed queries from State House reporters on Wednesday. He stated: “The administration relies on three pillars—the Executive branch, Legislative assembly, and Judicial system—and your actions as the governor have rendered governance ineffective here. Simply stating that funds are being spent—even those allocated by you—is insufficient; these expenditures require prior approval through appropriation by the State Assembly. Such were among the observations noted by the Supreme Court. Ultimately, the court concluded that the behavior exhibited by the governor resembled tyranny, rendering governmental operations non-existent in Rivers. Given this absence of governance in Rivers, why should we seek further?”

Fubara exceeded his limits and ended up undermining himself. His actions were driven more by the emotional backing he received than by strategic thinking. He believed that resorting to force was necessary because he hadn’t resorted to underhanded tactics to secure victory earlier. When certain militant groups threatened to attack oil pipelines and essential facilities, the governor did nothing to discourage them. Instead, he publicly stated that he would inform the public about when these attacks should take place. A week later, several oil sites burst into flames. It doesn’t require much insight to grasp how this devastation came about. Additionally, the governor obstructed 27 legislators from carrying out their duties and dismantled the state assembly building. Four loyal lawmakers were relocated to the Governor’s residence where they assumed the roles typically held by all 32 members of the legislature.

In his announcement of the emergency rule in Rivers State, President Tinubu stated in his speech, “Certain militants have vowed to unleash destruction upon what they consider an adversary—the governor—who has yet to distance himself from these individuals. Additionally, neither the legislature nor the governor have managed to collaborate effectively. They fail to comprehend that their primary responsibility is to cooperate in ensuring stability and effective governance within the state.”

Critics opposing the imposition of an emergency rule in Rivers often cite President Tinubu’s past criticism of such measures when they were declared under ex-President Jonathan for Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe states. However, these critics tend to overlook another instance where Tinubu spoke against then-Governor Godwin Obaseki of Edo State. Obaseki had forcefully taken control over the state assembly and declined to swear in 14 representatives chosen by their local communities throughout his term as governor. In response, Tinubu denounced Obaseki, accusing him of undermining democratic principles by weakening legislative bodies—just as he now condemns Governor Fubara’s actions.

Once more, the National Assembly, specifically the House of Representatives, has incorporated democratic elements into the emergency decree by declaring routine monitoring over the actions of the administrator and allowing the National Assembly to carry out the legislative responsibilities of the Rivers State Assembly as outlined in the constitution. This emergency measure also played a crucial role in rescuing Fubara from an impending impeachment, which could have led to his removal throughout his term and barred him from participating in future elections due to his recklessness.

Ultimately, the President exhibited bravery and commendable leadership by stepping in to safeguard the country’s economy, which could have otherwise suffered severely and nullified previous advancements. A few years back, oil production dipped down to merely 900,000 barrels per day; however, it now stands at approximately 1.6 million barrels daily. Key government programs aimed at assisting underprivileged youth through organizations like NELFUND, along with crucial development efforts including CREDICORP-led infrastructural developments—such as expanding our network of roads—and substantial regular disbursements received by state governors from federal funds might have faced significant threats without prompt intervention. Had she hesitated in making this critical move, these achievements could have easily unraveled.

In my opinion, what is needed at present is for political figures within the nation, especially those from the Niger Delta region, to unite and mediate between the conflicting parties—the embattled Governor Fubara, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, and the members of the state House of Assembly—ensuring a swift restoration of stability in Rivers State and bringing about a conclusive settlement of the ongoing political turmoil. The National Assembly has taken a significant measure toward resolving these issues by announcing plans to establish a council of distinguished individuals aimed at facilitating dialogue amongst the disputing factions and guiding the state back onto a peaceful course. It is appropriate to acknowledge the federal legislators for promptly endorsing the emergency measures and demonstrating their commitment to swiftly addressing the situation.

Rahman serves as the Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu for Media, Publicity, and Special Duties. In related news, Ibas has advised the monarchs of Rivers State to avoid engaging in partisan politics during the emergency rule.

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